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By the end of the Prussian-French War, the Central Council of the National Guard on paper had 400,000 paramilitary forces under its command. The council was under the influence of the radical left and the Carbonarian legacy, especially Auguste Blanqui. Adolf T. Tir, a pro-monarch of yesterday and a Republican today, who chaired the executive […]

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By the end of the Prussian-French War, the Central Council of the National Guard on paper had 400,000 paramilitary forces under its command. The council was under the influence of the radical left and the Carbonarian legacy, especially Auguste Blanqui. Adolf T. Tir, a pro-monarch of yesterday and a Republican today, who chaired the executive committee, decided to pull the gun out of the hands of the left. The Parisians had about 400 bronze balls, some of which were broken, most of which were kept on the Montmartre hill. The first step was to retake the cannons in a coordinated operation, and General Lakum was sent to Montmartre with two columns of soldiers. On the morning of March 18, while Paris was still asleep, General Lakum and his soldiers reached the top of the hill and killed the unfortunate guard of the cannons. The soldiers could not move the cannons because the horses were moving late and had to wait for the horses to arrive. Meanwhile, some women see the soldiers and when they realize that they are going to take the cannons, they stop the soldiers and the horses. The noise of the clash causes the armed members of the National Guard to arrive. General Lakum orders the women and members of the guard to be shot. But the insurgents drag the soldiers among them and they disobey the order. General Lakum was then taken to the wall along with another unlucky general and shot. As the chaos spread, Thierry immediately removed the army and the rest of the government from Paris to Versailles so that the insurgents would not settle the remaining 40,000 troops. In the absence of the army, the National Guard immediately occupies important government centers and ministries. With the support of the wounded workers of the 1848 revolution and riding the wave of nationalist sentiment, the leftist groups decided to make their dream of a socialist city government a reality. Elections were held on March 26 to elect 92 members of the municipal council. While women in the commune did not have the right to run or vote, 48% of Parisian men ran. A celebration was held in front of the Deauville Hotel after the election. The three-color flags of the revolution were lowered and the red flags of the left were hoisted. With the formation of the commune council, according to the model proposed by the more radical members of the new government, there was no president, mayor or commander. Instead, nine committees were formed to administer the affairs of Paris, reporting to the Executive Committee. According to the resolutions of these councils, the revolutionary calendar again replaced the calendar of Christ. In the name of the separation of the church from the government, while confiscating the affairs of the church, the teaching of religion in schools was banned. From now on, the workers had the right to take control of the workshops and rotate them themselves. As time went on, the internal conflicts of the commune became more and more apparent. The Communards, controlled by national sentiment, took down the Column of Vandum, which symbolized the conquests of the time of Napoleon I and on which the statue of the emperor was placed, because it is a symbol of nationalism. Be it. Thierry had only 20,000 reliable troops in Versailles and needed 150,000 captured by the Prussians to retake Paris.

On the other hand, according to the decision of the executive committee of the municipality, all healthy men were members of the National Guard, that is, about 200,000 people. The Communards thought they could complete the work of the Terrier and the Executive Council, but these forces had received only a basic training and, most importantly, lacked the necessary discipline and command. In the end, the Communards not only failed to conquer Versailles, but also lost most of the forts around Paris. Versailles immediately shot the captives along with anyone suspected of collaborating with the commune. This made the radicals feel that they were not radical enough. A law was enacted under the authority of Raol Rigo that anyone arrested for collaborating with Versailles was a hostage of the commune, and for each commune 3 hostages would be shot, and what wall was shorter than the church wall. The Communards took the Archbishop of Paris and several other priests’ hostage in exchange for a ransom. Priests who have died are far more useful to liberals like Thierry. Republicans close to Victor Hugo, such as George Clemenceau, who sought to mediate between Thierry and Commonard, said: “We are caught between two groups of crazy people, one in Paris and the other in Versailles.” Eventually the Prussians decided to release the French army and McMahon became the commander of the Paris repression. With most of the Communards retreating, they reach McMahon and Thierry from the telegraph front line on Sunday morning. The informant had informed the soldiers that the city wall had been left unprotected. By 6 a.m., 16,000 troops had arrived in Paris without incident. On Monday morning, the sound of war bells rang in the city. As head of the Commune War, Delgolze issued a proclamation throughout Paris. In the name of glorious France, the mother of all popular revolutions, the eternal home of the idea of justice and solidarity that should and will be the law of the world. Attack the enemy and be there so that your revolutionary force can show them that someone can sell Paris but no one can surrender or conquer it. The municipality counts on you. You also count on the commune. The Versailles, however, shouted one thing as they entered the city. Everyone who stays in Paris is guilty. The conflict between the commune and Versailles lasts about a week, known in history as the Bloody Week. The National Guard battalions did nothing against the Versailles army. Loyalty and dependence on the neighborhood, which was the strong point of the commune, became their weakness, and each section thought of defending itself. The communists also set fire to public buildings in retaliation. After the burning of Tuileries Palace and the Louvre Library, the commander of the Communards sent a message to the commune headquarters: The last royal stain has just been removed. I hope the same thing happens to the rest of the monuments. In the days that followed, as the Versailles army continued to advance, anyone arrested, male, female, or child, if carried with gunpowder or military boots, would be taken to informal military courts and executed immediately. In a blind revenge, the Communards decided to execute the hostages, including the priests. They lined them up in front of the wall and started firing. Then they stabbed their bodies to death. The more the Versailles army went east, the more resistance it faced. One of the last places he stubbornly resisted was the Per lashes Cemetery. For the 200 communards, there was no other place to sit back. After a brutal clash, 150 communists, most of them wounded, were besieged and surrendered. The Versailles decided not to waste their time and that of the Communards and shot them in front of one of the cemetery walls. In the future, this wall became known as the Commune Wall and a symbol of the savagery of liberals and monarchists, and the bloody week ended with a devastated Paris and a disintegrated nation.

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